Some believe removing the threshold would ensure representation for all parties in parliament.

Meanwhile, others, including those in the Indonesian House of Representatives (DPR), argue that having more parties could negatively affect the effectiveness of parliamentary work.

Alfath Bagus Panuntun, an expert on politics and government from Universitas Gadjah Mada (UGM), highlighted that the debate centers on two main aspects: democratic inclusivity and government effectiveness.

Panuntun explained that proponents of removing the threshold argue that the votes of smaller parties that fail to reach the 4% threshold are wasted and left unrepresented in parliament. 

“If we calculate it, the votes discarded from smaller parties could reach a significant percentage,” he said on Wednesday, Feb 5, 2025.

On the other hand, Panuntun acknowledged the concerns of those in the DPR who opposed the removal. 

He noted that a higher number of parties would make managing diverse political interests more challenging, potentially affecting the effectiveness of DPR operations. 

“More parties would increase the workload related to faction management, task distribution, and overall DPR performance,” he explained.

Panuntun pointed out that the 4% threshold is not arbitrary but a compromise between democratic inclusivity and government effectiveness. 

“Previously, the threshold was 3.5%, but it was raised to 4% in the 2017 Electoral Law revision. This figure aims to balance political representation with governmental stability,” he said.

He argued that maintaining or even increasing the parliamentary threshold could help clarify party ideologies. 

“With a higher threshold, political parties need to have clear ideologies and programs. Otherwise, it becomes difficult to differentiate one party from another,” Panuntun added.

However, Panuntun noted that the general public does not place much importance on the threshold itself. 

“What matters is that the DPR functions properly, remains open to criticism, and genuinely works for the people,” he stated.

He emphasized that the DPR’s effectiveness should be a top priority. 

The legislative process and government oversight could run more smoothly with fewer, more structured parties. 

“We must avoid a situation where the system serves the interests of politicians rather than the people,” he stressed.

In conclusion, Panuntun reiterated that every policy has its pros and cons. 

However, in the context of Indonesia, he believes it is better to maintain or even raise the parliamentary threshold to improve government effectiveness. 

“This policy should be based on the current needs of the public. If we want an effective DPR, then the current threshold should be maintained or increased,” he concluded.

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This incident raises major questions regarding human rights protection and the bilateral relationship between Indonesia and Malaysia.

International human rights observer Professor Dafri Agussalim from the UGM Faculty of Social and Political Sciences (Fisipol UGM) considered the Malaysian authorities’ actions in this incident excessive and violated international human rights law. 

“The actions of the Malaysian authorities can be categorized as a violation of international law, especially regarding human rights,” he said on Monday, Feb. 3, 2025.

Regarding the steps Indonesia must take, Professor Agussalim emphasized that the government should not stop at merely filing an official protest with Malaysia but also carry out systemic improvements at home. 

“This should not only end with compensation and punishment later on. Beyond that, both countries need to revisit the mechanisms for protecting migrant workers to ensure that similar incidents do not continue to occur,” he said. 

He also highlighted the importance of revising and enforcing bilateral agreements regarding the protection of Indonesian workers in Malaysia. 

According to him, there are ASEAN-level protocols that regulate migrant worker protection, but their implementation has been far from ideal. 

“Many regulations are already in place but are not effectively enforced in practice. This issue should prompt Indonesia to seriously reflect on how it handles illegal migration flows,” he said.

Professor Agussalim urged that the resolution of this case should not be partial but instead approached systematically, covering legal, economic, and social aspects. 

The country cannot just press Malaysia without addressing its own internal issues. 

With this incident, Indonesia faces a major task—demanding justice for the victims, reforming labor policies, and strengthening protections for migrant workers to prevent such tragedies from recurring. 

“This is not just a shooting case but a major issue reflecting a systemic failure in managing Indonesia’s workforce. Eradicate this crime at its roots and establish clear bilateral relations capable of protecting citizens,” he explained.

He noted that the phenomenon of illegal migrant workers entering Malaysia is not solely due to Malaysian policies but also stems from a combination of factors, namely push factors from within Indonesia and pull factors from the destination country. 

“One of the main factors is the Indonesian government’s failure to provide adequate employment opportunities. If there were jobs in Indonesia with decent wages, people would not take such great risks by working illegally abroad,” he stressed.

On the other hand, Malaysia attracts migrant workers because it offers higher wages than Indonesia. 

This situation is worsened by the role of brokers and labor trafficking syndicates, which act as an intermediary or third factor in the chain of illegal migration. 

“This is a crime that has long been known. However, there are indications of state neglect or ignorance,” he said.

According to Professor Agussalim, irregular migrant workers often fall into illegal recruitment schemes. 

They are promised decent jobs but must pay a significant amount to brokers in both Indonesia and Malaysia. 

“This business chain is very long, with many parties profiting from the situation. Unfortunately, to date, Indonesia has not shown firmness in dealing with these broker networks,” he explained.

He emphasized that the Indonesian government cannot simply react after a shooting occurs. 

Efforts to prevent and take action against networks that traffic Indonesian citizens are still weak and need to be eradicated.

In addition, he highlighted the government’s role in enforcing laws and protecting its citizens. 

He compared it with other countries that manage their labor force more effectively so that their citizens do not need to seek risky employment abroad. 

“Have we ever heard of citizens from neighboring countries like Australia or Singapore having to work illegally in other countries? No. That’s because their governments are able to provide decent jobs for their citizens. Meanwhile, in Indonesia, migrant workers are often called ‘foreign exchange heroes,’ when in fact it should be the state’s responsibility to ensure their welfare,” he stressed.

As reported, the shooting of five Indonesian migrant workers was carried out by the Malaysian Maritime Enforcement Agency in the waters of Tanjung Rhu, Selangor, Malaysia, on Jan. 24. 

The workers were attempting to leave Malaysia by boat.

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The protest expressed disappointment over the unclear realization of the performance allowance for civil servant lecturers, which has been in place since 2020 but remains unmet. 

Civil servant lecturers from the ministry are calling for immediate clarity regarding this allowance and hope it will draft new regulations on performance allowances.

Professor Wahyudi Kumorotomo, a Public Policy Management expert from UGM’s Faculty of Social and Political Sciences (Fisipol UGM), stated that ADAKSI’s concerns represent those of lecturers and teachers as well as those involved in the nation’s education policymaking. 

He emphasized that a stronger commitment to education and human resource development is crucial within the next five years as Indonesia heads toward its Golden Era and the second phase of demographic bonus utilization. 

“It’s regrettable that the government’s and policymakers’ attention to education, which determines national competitiveness, is diminishing,” Professor Kumorotomo said on Sunday (Jan. 19).

He also criticized the ministry’s current actions, calling them confusing. The previous Ministry of Education’s Decision No. 447/P/2024 outlined plans to provide performance allowance, which should have already been allocated to the government budget. 

“It’s strange that this ministry is now claiming the funds from the national budget (APBN) are unavailable. The government’s priorities are truly baffling. The free meal (MBG) program is already underway, and the Ministry of Forestry is planning to open millions of hectares of agricultural land. Yet, many ministers in this bloated cabinet are still complaining about insufficient budgets. Must all budget allocations be determined by ‘who can negotiate harder’?”Professor Kumorotomo added.

He explained that the issue of performance allowance for civil servant lecturers originated with the 2015 Civil Servants Law, which changed the civil servant framework, affecting both civil servants (PNS) and contracted employees (PPPK). 

Furthermore, the 2005 Teachers and Lecturers Law, which mandates lecturer certification, has not been fully implemented, especially for younger lecturers who do not yet meet the certification requirements. 

“Those without certification do not receive allowances, while certified lecturers do. The uncertified ones are the ones demanding it,” he explained.

Uncertified lecturers have also demanded performance allowance as a replacement for professional allowances. However, the approval process has been slow and complicated further by changes in the ministry’s structure from the Ministry of Research, Technology, and Higher Education to the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research, and Technology and now to the Ministry of Higher Education, Science, and Technology.

Professor Kumorotomo believes there is a tendency for irregular budget allocation patterns within the government, as seen in the negotiation over judges’ pay raises, which involved direct presidential intervention. 

If the allowance for lecturers remains unrealized, Professor Kumorotomo predicts that ADAKSI and the lecturer and teacher communities will continue to voice their demands loudly. 

“This situation is unhealthy because all funding matters in ministries and institutions seem to be based on political negotiations, not the objective needs of each ministry’s programs,” he concluded.

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This initiative follows President Prabowo’s directive to pay closer attention to the public’s digital consumption, especially among minors. 

Hafiz Noer, a digital expert and researcher at Universitas Gadjah Mada’s Center for Digital Society (CfDS), emphasized the importance of defining clear methods and targets for such policies. 

He noted that efforts to enhance digital literacy and societal adaptation are not new. Various grassroots movements and NGOs have been spearheading programs to improve digital literacy through platforms and education. 

“I believe the first step should be to evaluate existing policies implemented by Komdigi. At CfDS, we have been collaborating with the ministry and other NGOs, and these initiatives are ongoing,” Noer said on Saturday, Jan. 18.

Noer stressed that new policies should be seen as progressive rather than new initiatives. Evaluating past efforts is essential to identifying gaps and effectively planning future actions.

He suggested that protecting children in digital spaces should begin with enhancing digital literacy and skills. 

Previously, digital literacy was proposed as part of the Merdeka Curriculum, an evolution of the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) subject from the earlier curriculum. 

However, digital education was ultimately not included as a primary subject but as supplementary guidance. 

“There’s a distinction between digital skills and digital literacy. While teaching how to use Word or write code is important, understanding digital etiquette and netiquette is even more crucial,” Noer explained. 

He added that prioritizing digital literacy with users in mind would enable society to navigate digital spaces more wisely and selectively.

Noer also recommended that the government review the policies of digital platforms such as X, Meta, YouTube, and TikTok. Many of these platforms have implemented measures like content or community guidelines to filter information. 

For instance, X provides a “community notes” feature, allowing users to label or add context to potentially misleading content.

“We cannot generalize digital literacy needs across platforms, as each has a unique user base. However, much work remains to be done,” Noer stated.

Digitalization impacts not only children but also parents and the elderly. Noer called for policies addressing the needs of all societal groups, citing the urgency of digital literacy in light of challenges like misinformation and advanced technologies such as DeepFake and generative AI. 

A national survey by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) revealed that 33.3% of respondents who encountered DeepFake content believed it to be real, with 4.1% admitting to sharing such content. This highlights the pressing need for digital literacy initiatives.

Noer stressed that the government could not tackle these challenges alone and suggested partnerships with anti-hoax coalitions and digital experts. 

“At CfDS, we have various collaborative programs with organizations like Mafindo. We hope the government continues to support these grassroots movements,” he concluded.

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While this program has great potential to enhance students’ cognitive abilities by providing nutritious meals, its success heavily depends on proper food management and transparent governance. Without this, the program risks becoming a target for corruption.

This issue was highlighted during a discussion at Pojok Bulaksumur, titled Free Nutritious Meals Program (MBG): A Review from Nutrition, Policy, and Food Supply Chain Perspectives, held on Jan. 17 in the Hallway of UGM’s Central Office. 

The event, organized by the Secretariat of UGM, featured three UGM experts: Professor Wahyudi Kumorotomo from the Department of Public Policy Management, Professor Subejo from the Department of Agricultural Socio-Economics, and Dr. Toto Sudargo from the Department of Health Nutrition.

Dr. Toto Sudargo emphasized that the MBG program has significant potential to enhance students’ cognitive development if managed well. However, the program also requires proper food preparation to ensure nutritional value. 

“Consuming nutritious food, like protein from eggs, is crucial for brain development. However, the presentation must also be appealing to encourage children to eat,” he stated.  

He illustrated how well-prepared egg dishes, such as omelets or scrambled eggs, could offer additional calories and benefits. He emphasized that quality should be prioritized over quantity. 

“What matters is that the children eat and the food isn’t wasted. Meals should not end up as trash,” he added.  

Professor Subejo highlighted the importance of utilizing local food ingredients for the MBG program. He pointed out that relying on imported staples like wheat poses a significant challenge that needs immediate attention. 

“Indonesia has abundant local carbohydrate sources like cassava, corn, and sago. By leveraging these, we strengthen food security and empower local farmers,” he explained.  

Professor Subejo also suggested empowering villages as the base for distributing nutritious meals. He proposed that the distribution process would be more efficient and tailored to community needs if villages were granted authority to manage funds and create menus using local ingredients. 

“This approach can also minimize the risk of food spoilage due to long distribution routes,” he added.  

Meanwhile, Professor Wahyudi Kumorotomo stressed the need for transparency and accountability in managing the program’s substantial budget to ensure its effectiveness. He warned that corruption risks must be addressed through rigorous oversight involving all levels of society. 

“The allocated budget of IDR 71 trillion per year, targeting 19.4 million children, must be carefully monitored. We cannot allow corruption or misuse of funds for other purposes,” he said.  

The three UGM experts agreed that the MBG program represents a long-term investment requiring sustained commitment from various stakeholders. Dr. Sudargo noted that similar programs in India only showed significant results after over a decade of implementation. 

“This program must continue uninterrupted, regardless of government changes. If consistent, Indonesia can achieve substantial improvements in health, cognitive abilities, and the achievements of future generations,” he stressed.  

The two-hour discussion concluded with high hopes for the MBG program’s success. The experts called on all societal elements to support and oversee its implementation.

“This is an investment in future generations. If the program succeeds, Indonesia will have healthier, smarter, and globally competitive citizens,” Dr. Sudargo concluded.  

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This program follows the direction of President Prabowo Subianto during a community empowerment coordination meeting at the Presidential Palace in Bogor on Jan. 3, 2025. Its target is children from extreme poverty to ensure they receive proper education.

The People’s School is a boarding school where students receive education and adequate nutrition. The Minister of Social Affairs aims to launch a pilot project for the People’s School in Jakarta and surrounding areas. 

However, until now, the Ministry of Social Affairs has not confirmed when the project will be effectively implemented, although a team has already been formed.

Dr. Subarsono, a lecturer of Public Policy Management at the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences (Fisipol UGM), commented that the People’s School program under the Ministry of Social Affairs is considered inappropriate because the Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education should handle it. 

Additionally, he believes that the program is not urgent, considering that many conventional schools still need government attention. These include issues such as damaged school buildings and the low salaries of teachers, especially honorary teachers.

“I think this becomes problematic because it falls under the Ministry of Social Affairs, whose responsibility does not cover education. So, this raises questions about the policy’s domain. If it’s under the Ministry of Social Affairs, I don’t think it’s appropriate,” he said on Tuesday (Jan. 14).

Reflecting on history, Dr. Subarsono said that the People’s School has a history dating back to the Dutch colonial era. 

With the establishment of this program, there is a possibility of a negative stigma in society regarding its name. Historically, the People’s School existed during the Dutch colonial period and was later transformed into elementary schools. 

The use of this term raises concerns about discrimination, as elementary schools already exist. 

“It would be better to name it School of Excellence instead of People’s School to avoid creating dualism with this new terminology,” he explained.

In addition, Dr. Subarsono pointed out that many considerations need to be reviewed in realizing the People’s School. Nonetheless, there is hope for its establishment. 

“I don’t think it’s inefficient, but I doubt it’s the right time for implementation. Why don’t we improve the existing system? Schools already receive BOS Funds to enhance education quality, and if we want to improve education, why not increase BOS Funds, improve the curriculum, and enhance teacher competence,” he added.

As is known, the Ministry of Social Affairs has not yet provided detailed information on the establishment of the People’s School. 

However, if the program is enforced, Dr. Subarsono suggested that it should remain under the Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education and be placed in targeted areas to address existing problems in Indonesia. 

“I hope that this program remains under the Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education, not the Ministry of Social Affairs. Secondly, it should be established in areas like the frontier, outermost, and underdeveloped (3T) regions. The criteria for the school should be clear, as it is intended for people with low incomes, free of charge, and boarding. I think it would be most appropriate in underdeveloped areas,” he concluded.

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However, even before officially taking office, Trump had already made statements that have disrupted the global order. 

He mentioned his intention to annex Greenland, a Danish territory, to the United States and stated that Washington would impose higher tariffs on Denmark if it prevented Greenland from joining the United States.

In addition, in November, Donald Trump, who won the U.S. presidential election, expressed his desire to make Canada the 51st state of the United States.

Moreover, Donald Trump’s tariff war policy is seen as having the potential to pressure production activities in major producing countries such as China, Mexico, and Canada. 

This condition could hinder Indonesia from reaping the benefits of membership in BRICS, a group of countries originally consisting of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa.

UGM’s international relations policy expert, Professor Nur Rachmat Yuliantoro, stated that the tariff war policy could disrupt global economic stability by increasing trade uncertainty. As investors tend to avoid risks, the investment climate could also be affected.

Consequently, this situation could slow economic growth in many countries, including Indonesia. Indonesia’s full membership in BRICS has the potential to enhance its bargaining power in dealing with the protectionist policies of the United States under Trump’s second administration. 

Therefore, the Indonesian government could strengthen trade and investment cooperation with other BRICS members to further develop its market. 

“Joining BRICS is expected to strengthen Indonesia’s position and competitiveness on the global stage,” said Professor Yuliantoro in a statement to reporters on Tuesday (Jan. 14).

In addition, the Chair of the Department of International Relations at Universitas Gadjah Mada also pointed out that Trump’s planned policies could weaken the value of the Indonesian rupiah against the U.S. dollar, as the tariff war could disrupt investment flows and trade. 

“There is a need to strengthen the economy’s fundamentals, including maintaining inflation rates and increasing the country’s foreign exchange reserves,” he explained.

Furthermore, the U.S. trade war with China, Mexico, and Canada will certainly provide opportunities, but it will also present challenges for Indonesia’s economy. 

For example, Indonesia could offer alternative products if high tariffs are imposed on Chinese products. However, if Donald Trump’s policies slow down the global economy, the demand for those alternative products could also decrease. 

“Innovation is the key to making Indonesian products of higher quality, thus increasing global competitiveness,” he concluded.

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The government of Brazil, as the chair of BRICS, made this announcement on Monday (Jan. 6), local time. Brazil congratulated Indonesia, seeing its decision to join BRICS as a strategic move with potential. 

With the right strategy, Indonesia could leverage its membership to strengthen its economic position and play a more significant role on the global stage.

International Relations expert Professor Poppy Sulistyaning Winanti from UGM’s Faculty of Social and Political Sciences (Fisipol UGM) sees Indonesia’s membership in BRICS as an opportunity to strengthen its diplomatic position globally. 

In recent years, this group has become an important forum for discussing strategic issues such as fair payment system reforms, the forefront of de-dollarization, and global governance reform, including in international financial institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank.

However, Professor Winanti acknowledges that Indonesia’s decision to join BRICS is partly driven by its effort to increase its bargaining power with the Western world. 

“I believe this is an attempt by Indonesia to raise its bargaining position with Western countries,” Professor Winanti said in a statement to reporters on Saturday (Jan. 11).

Moreover, this move also aims to anticipate the potential domestic impacts of President Donald Trump’s policies. Past experiences have shown the United States’ international commitments under his leadership have been unpredictable. 

“The Western world, under the influence of the United States, is full of uncertainties, especially in the global context, even more so under Donald Trump’s second term,” she said.

Nevertheless, Professor Winanti still questions BRICS’ strength as an alternative global economic forum. 

Although BRICS has two financial institutions, namely the New Development Bank (NDB) and the Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA), which are recognized for their potential economic contributions, she remains skeptical about whether these institutions can replace the role of the IMF or World Bank. 

“This is still a homework that needs further exploration because 80% of countries worldwide still use the dollar, and the question is whether BRICS can truly become an alternative,” she stated.

In addition to strengthening Indonesia’s international diplomacy by joining BRICS, Professor Winanti highlighted that President Prabowo Subianto’s government must also consider the potential and impact of BRICS policies on domestic changes.

“No specific conditions need to be fulfilled with other BRICS members. However, Indonesia’s accession process to the OECD and domestic economic reform efforts also need to be taken into account,” she said.

According to her, Indonesia’s commitment to joining the OECD is currently focused on improving governance to meet global standards. Even in terms of economic development and environmental management, Indonesia is aligning itself with global standards.

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He proposed that these funds could be redirected to infrastructure projects that benefit the public. In response to this statement, Professor of Management and Public Policy at UGM Wahyudi Kumorotomo believes the policy would be difficult to implement. 

This is because the 2024—2029 Merah Putih Cabinet has 48 ministries and five agencies, compared to the 34 ministries in the 2019—2024 Indonesia Maju Cabinet. The increase in ministries makes it unlikely that the official travel budget can be reduced.

“The current cabinet cannot be more cost-effective than the previous one because it has more ministries, requiring more funds to support the bureaucracy,” said the UGM Faculty of Social and Political Sciences lecturer on Wednesday (Jan. 8).

Professor Kumorotomo explained that the 14 new ministries now require a larger budget than before. Additionally, some other ministries need higher funds than what was originally allocated. 

“We can see the need for establishing offices, facilities, infrastructure, and new officials, which consume a budget,” Professor Kumorotomo explained.

In this context, the expert referred to the statement by Minister of Human Rights Natalius Pigai, who requested his ministry’s budget be increased from IDR 64 billion to IDR 20 trillion. 

Meanwhile, the Coordinating Minister for Food, Zulkifli Hasan, requested an additional IDR 505 billion to support his programs. “How can we save up to 50%?” he asked.

Reassessing Urgency and Relevance

Before the policy is implemented, Professor Kumorotomo suggested that the relevance of the budget plan should be reassessed. During the planning stage, evaluation and monitoring are crucial to identify unproductive budget items. 

Cost-saving measures can be implemented by cutting unnecessary expenses, such as activities irrelevant to the duties and functions of each ministry.

For instance, the Ministry of Environment’s budget shows that 70% of its funds are not used for capital expenditures but are mostly spent on personnel costs. The existing budget could be used to purchase acacia, trembesi, and mangrove seedlings, which are vital for environmental conservation. 

However, the budget structure reveals that more funds are spent on outreach, technical communication, seminars, and the like. 

“That pattern must be changed. Ensure that the budget is prioritized for capital expenditure,” said Professor Kumorotomo.

On the other hand, he does not recommend budget cuts for agencies or ministries whose performance relies heavily on official travel. 

For example, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Investment, and the Investment Coordinating Board. Cutting the official travel budget for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs would harm Indonesia’s diplomatic performance. 

“The impact on the government’s performance would be significant,” Professor Kumorotomo said.

He added that not all sectors should have their budgets reduced. According to the professor, Indonesia currently has a golden opportunity to leap into developed-nation status due to its demographic bonus. 

Health, education, and social services sectors need to receive more budget allocations. 

However, based on the 2025 State Budget Proposal (RAPBN), the budget for these sectors, such as the Ministry of Higher Education, has been cut by IDR 15.7 trillion. Professor Kumorotomo criticized this policy, which contradicts the government’s priorities. 

“Subsidies for state universities have been reduced, forcing them to raise tuition fees. If we want to become a developed country, provide scholarships to smart children so they have broader opportunities to learn,” he said.

One example of a budget-cutting policy was the budget reallocation during the COVID-19 pandemic. At that time, the government implemented budget refocusing across central and regional governments. 

Unnecessary official travel was reallocated to combat COVID-19 and aid economic recovery. Official trips were replaced with virtual meetings, while stocks of oxygen, vitamins, and medicines were increased.

Bureaucratic Reform within the Government

Changes in the central government will affect local governments, and the official travel budget cuts will inevitably affect employee performance. 

Professor Kumorotomo argued that the policy would be more effective if there were a strong commitment from all government officials or employees at both the central and local levels. This is not without reason. 

It has been difficult for civil servants to reduce and save on travel budgets without affecting their performance.

In such cases, cuts to employee spending or official travel budgets result in fewer activities. This is because allowances are tied to the activities performed. He fears that if employees are asked to reduce travel or cut expenses for seminars and such, it will affect the quality and quantity of government activities.

In his explanation, Professor Kumorotomo quoted Gordon Tullock, an American economist, who said that public sector employees tend to become budget maximizers. 

In contrast, private sector employees who can save receive additional incentives. He noted that civil servants utilize state assets as long as their work performance is assessed positively. 

“That mentality among bureaucrats is the obstacle. We cannot expect the same performance if incentives and official travel expenses are reduced. That is the issue we face,”  Professor Kumorotomo explained.

He believes that the official travel budget cuts must be accompanied by bureaucratic reform. Bureaucratic reform involves updating and fundamentally changing the governance system to achieve good governance. 

In this context, he mentioned the bureaucratic reforms implemented in 2008 by then-Finance Minister Sri Mulyani. 

At that time, the government provided additional remuneration as an Income Improvement Allowance for civil servants. Unfortunately, this allowance was not accompanied by performance and public service improvement targets.

According to Professor Kumorotomo, the first step should be to link employee performance indicators with allowances. If the performance records have clear indicators and can be used to monitor employees’ ability to serve the public, high-performing employees should receive additional income, and vice versa.

He recommended that official travel budget cuts be based on objective evaluations. The government must ensure that employees conduct official trips according to the Official Travel Order without manipulating it. 

Once that issue is resolved, the government can reassess the effectiveness of training and trips. If the trips do not improve performance, it would be better to reduce the budget. 

“If we can use objective evaluations to improve performance, I believe it would be very beneficial,” Professor Kumorotomo concluded.

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However, the ability to listen to public aspirations, criticisms, and feedback also needs attention to ensure that the programs implemented are aligned with and beneficial to public interests.

This issue was raised in a panel discussion titled “Policies and Communication Strategies of the President of the Republic of Indonesia” at Fisipol UGM on Wednesday (Dec. 11). 

The discussion, organized by the Election Corner of Fisipol UGM, featured Hasan Nasbih, Head of the Presidential Communication Office (PCO), and Alfath Bagus Panuntun El Nur Indonesia, a lecturer from the Department of Politics and Government at UGM.

Hasan Nasbih explained that the PCO is a non-structural agency that operates independently. It reports directly to the president and is fully responsible for all forms of presidential communication. 

Under President Prabowo’s administration, the strategic communication focus is symbolized by the numbers 8-17-8, representing eight astacita (eight guiding principles), 17 priority programs, and eight fast-track best outcome programs. 

“In fact, we are more of an office that communicates government achievements, the progress of government promises, the priority programs that have been carried out, and when the targets will be completed, though we cannot avoid questions on other matters,” Nasbih explained.

He also acknowledged public criticism about potential overlapping roles between his office and other institutions, such as the Ministry of Communication and Digital Affairs, the Presidential Staff Office, and the Secretariat of State, which also handles government communications. 

However, he emphasized that there is a clear division of tasks and strict SOPs to help prevent miscommunication. 

“PCO carries great hope for harmonizing communication work between ministries and institutions in the future so that there are no more blunders in information,” he concluded.

Alfath Panuntun responded to Hasan’s remarks by stating that instead of having more spokespeople, Indonesia actually needs “listeners.” 

According to him, this is based on Presidential Regulation No. 82 of 2024, which serves as the legal foundation for the PCO’s work. 

“If we look at this, there are 11 chapters and 53 articles, but there is not a single term or statement about listening, whereas communication requires actors—there needs to be a sender, a speaker, and a listener,” Panuntun said.

He further explained that the grand design of this regulation suggests that the government feels powerful with the establishment of the PCO as the center of information, especially for strategic policies. 

Panuntun expressed concern that the PCO might become an institution closed off to public aspirations and feedback.

He then suggested the importance of creating urgency for a “listener” role by fostering dialogue with the public. This is key to building government legitimacy, public trust, and engagement. 

He emphasized that the dialogue should focus on identifying who would engage in such conversations, whether it be the president, ministers, spokespersons, or perhaps even a new “listener” role. 

“So, who will conduct the dialogue? It could be the president directly, a minister, or perhaps there will be a listener in the future,” Panuntun said.

He stressed the importance of listening to vulnerable groups, such as farmers, fishermen, eviction victims, and other marginalized communities.

Moreover, he mentioned that the issue of communication lacked detail. The PCO should pay more attention to how messages are written and the choice of public dialogue formats, whether through warm, close discussions or mass broadcasts via social media and other media. 

“If we look at the tools, we can see simple signs that indicate the government is less engaged. If it’s not viral, it won’t get attention,” Panuntun said.

He lamented that many cases only receive attention after being made viral, an irony in a society where petitions on platforms like change.org, Instagram stories, and Snapgrams are needed to get the government to address various issues. 

“This phenomenon needs to be fixed immediately,” he added.

Lastly, Panuntun offered a solution for the PCO: engaging in two-way communication. Communication cannot rely solely on the sender transmitting messages to the audience. 

According to him, the audience should also be able to send messages to those with the mandate or authority to develop policies. Conversations or dialogues in warm settings can occur in pockets of societal discontent, such as traditional markets. 

“There, we hear complaints like why the market is empty or why income has declined yearly. Vendors are not trying to get rich or profit; they are just trying to survive,” he explained.

According to Panuntun, reaching out to weak groups will make them feel that the state is present and listening. The “listener” will facilitate a connection between decision-makers and public opinion. 

The main point of this two-way communication is related to giving a voice to the voiceless—how the PCO can amplify the voices of people who may not have access or communication channels with the government or officials. 

“With points like these, I believe public aspirations can be better received, and in the end, we can strengthen the voice, not the noise,” he concluded.

Author: Triya Andriyani  

Photographer: Donnie

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